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Mission & Vision
ANTIDOTE TO SELF-OBLIVION
The idea of founding the Rashtriya Swayamsevak
Sangh was conceived at a time when self-oblivion had overtaken
the society. The struggle for potilical independence occupied
the minds of people; this was but natural. However, what
was askew was the tacit assumption that the advent of freedom
would automatically usher in a revival of genuine nationalist
values which had perforce receded during foreign rule. Looking
to the West as the pinnacle of civilization, irrationally
perpetuating the Britishers' self- serving theories of the
'White Man's burden'; that the Hindus were 'a nation-in-the-making',
that the Hindus had achieved nothing of significance in
the past, that Westernisation was the only hope for 'the
dying race' that were the Hindus; unquestioning acceptance
of myths floated by Westerners even in the name of history
(e.g., that the Aryans came from outside), that life in
Bharat was and had always been at a near-primitive state;
- acceptance of such numerous myths had virtually become
mandatory for anyone with the slightest pretensions to education
or intellectuality.
That this breed still claims adherents even four and a half
decades after Independence bespeaks the intensity of the
overarching colonial legacy.
All the father-figures of national renaissance from Swami
Vivekananda to Lokmanya Tilak and Mahatma Gandhi had laid
great stress on the fact that releasing the society from
such mental thraldom was as necessary as throwing out the
imperialist rulers.
While efforts to hasten political independence were being
pursued in 'various forms, there were few or no sustained
efforts for restoration of the Hindu psyche to its pristine
form. Indeed, it is the latter which should constitute the
content or core of freedom.
Such was the backdrop for envisioning a country-wide movement
such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.
Is it not the lack of social cohesion which enabled a handful
of traders and shop-keepers (who were no match to us either
in intellectual brilliance or physical prowess) to establish
their empire here? It was the native chieftains who facilitated
the repeated destruction of the sacred Somnath shrine. Wasn't
it Raja Mansingh who, by becoming a kingpin of Akbar's regime,
betrayed the interests of the Hindus?
As if testifying to the sagacity of the proverb The more
things change, the more they remain the same' - considerable
sections of the so-called academia and the elite even today
display a singular lack of national consciousness even after
witnessing such horrendous insult to nationhood as partition
of the country.
The fact that such a breed continues to exist even after
so much historical and recent experience provides the strongest
reason det're for intense and continuous propagation of
the ideal of nationalism and the recognition of the Hindu
national identity as a fundamental fact transcending corroboration
and discussion. Any compromise in this regard is bound to
cause peril to hard earned freedom; and without freedom
there will be no prospect of progress for all either.
Equally, it is a fact of history that national consciousness
should not merely remain an idea or concept, but should
be reflected in every single activity of life.
A burning devotion to the Motherland, a feeling of fraternity
among all citizens, intense awareness of a common national
life derived from a common culture and shared history and
heritage - these, in brief, may be said to constitute the
life-springs of a nation.
It is these sentiments which have to be instilled in each
child. Obviously, this task is beyond the capabilities of
political institutions. This is basically a social task.
The mechanism Dr. Hedgewar evolved for fulfilment of this
all-important task is the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Dr.
Hedgewar not only had the foresight to anticipate this need,
but also the skills of organisation needed to give a concrete
shape to that concept.
SANGH : A DYNAMIC POWER-HOUSE
Great oaks from little
acorns grow. What started as a tiny stream in an obscure
corner of Nagpur in Maharashtra 68 years ago has now swollen
into a mighty river engulfing the remotest villages of the
country. That the number of Sangh Shakhas has crossed 25,000
is one indicator of the expanding reach of the Sangh.
It redounds to the foresight of Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar
(1889 - 1940) that he anticipated the need for strengthening
the foundations of the Hindu society and for preparing it
for challenges on social, economic, cultural, religious,
philosophical and political planes. A galaxy of savants
such as Dayananda and Vivekananda, Aurobindo and Tilak,
had sown the seeds of the most recent phase of national
renaissance. What was needed was a sufficiently strong instrumentality
for carrying that process onward.
This instrumentality
was created and bequeathed to the nation by Dr. Hedgewar
in the form of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh which he, after
years of deliberate and patient preparation, founded at
Nagpur on 27th Septem- ber, Vijayadashami Day of 1925.
One of the hazards of organisation-building is allowing
one's vision to be clouded with immediate concerns, resulting
in dilution of perception of the ultimate goal. Dr. Hedgewar's
especial strength was that he never allowed demands of the
immediate present to veer him away from the ultimate mission
he set to himself.
Keeping aflame the spirit of freedom and endeavouring simul-
taneously to strengthen the cultural roots of the nation
marked the twin features of the character of the Sangh from
the beginning; and that has to this day remained its main
plank. Every passing day has confirmed the validity of this
basic philosophy. Erosion of the nation's integrity in the
name of secularism, economic and moral bankruptcy, incessant
conversions from the Hindu fold through money-power, ever-increasing
trends of secession, thought-patterns and education dissonant
with the native character of the people, and State-sponsored
denigration of anything that goes by the name of Hindu or
Hindutwa: these pervasive tendencies provide ample proof
of the soundness of the philosophical foundation of the
Sangh as conceived by Dr. Hedgewar and its continued relevance
for the survival and health of the Hindu society and of
the nation as a whole. It is the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
alone which has consistently been sounding the alarm against
all these wrong tendencies in the body-politic of Bharat.
Dr. Hedgewar said often, "Even if the British leave,
unless the Hindus are organised as a powerful nation, where
is the guarantee that we shall be able to protect our freedom?"
His words have proved to be prophetic. Conjointly with Independence,
parts of Punjab, Bengal, Sindh and the frontier-areas were
sundered from Bharat; and, four and a half decades after
the nation's attaining freedom, Kashmir remains a thorn
in the flesh.
Continuous efforts have been there to make Assam a Muslim-
majority province. Likewise, no-holds-barred efforts to
proselytize by Christian missions continue unabated. Even
armed revolt has been engineered (e.g., in Nagaland) to
carve out independent Christian provinces. Such activities
receive ready support and unlimited funds from foreign countries
and agencies keenly interested in destabilizing Bharat for
their own ends.
Sangh's alone has been the voice of genuine patriotic concern
amidst the cacophanous, politically inspired shibboleths
of undefined secularism, etc.
Even at the inception, the Sangh was viewed by its founder
not as a sectoral activity or movement, but as a dynamic
power-house energising every field of national activity.
SANGH'S MARCH : SOME THRUST-AREAS
The Sangh has often been misrepresented by its detractors,
political or ideological, as having political motives or as
a paramilitary organisation. The seven-decades-long growth
of the Sangh and its ever-growing influence over the society
are also sometimes attempted to be evaluated in political
terms. But the Sangh, it must be remembered, is for attaining
the 'Saravangeena Unnati' (all-round development) of Bharat,
and for this end only the swayamsevaks pledge to dedicate
themselves. They do desire that the political field too needs
to be cleansed and reformed, based on Hindu values and ethos,
but politics is just one among the many facets of social life.
As such, to cast political aspersion on Sangh is, to say the
least, baseless, since the concept of all-round development
encompasses the entire spectrum of life, including politics.
The Sangh has to its credit a few thousands of service projects,
covering varied fields of social life. Apart from the projects,
the swayam sevaks on their own are rendering service to the
society, individually and collectively too, wherever needed,
whatever the cause. In fact, a Sarvodaya leader, in appreciation
of the service rendered by the swayamsevaks for the cyclone-hit
victims of Andhra Pradesh in 1977, meaningfully said that
'RSS' stood for 'Ready for Selfless Service'. Obviously, the
real purpose of the Sangh is rightly understood by the unbiased
and discerning analyst only.
The thrust of all samskars in the Shakha, though it outwardly
appears to be for military-like discipline, which in any case
is essential for any nation-building exercise, is for imbibing
the noblest qualities of head and heart. Admittedly, a swayamsevak
attending a Shakha is a common man, with exposure to unhealthy
and corrupt practices now rampant in the society outside the
Sanghasthan. Yet, by involving himself in all the wholesome
physical and intellectual programmes, both formal and informal,
in the Shakha, he in course of time becomes broadminded and
service-oriented, ready to serve the society. In the Shakha,
because of his interaction with the other members of society,
his angularities become rounded off, the tastes and the outlook
get moulded for a purer plane where, in place of self-aggran-
disement, the dedication for the service of the society becomes
his fervent preoccupation. With these samskars rooted deep
in his mind, while he considers participating in daily Shakha,
a must in his routine - for that alone provides him the driving-force
for all his social work - he gets real satisfaction in applying
all his energies for the amelioration of social maladies.
The Shakha, in fact, is not an end in itself, but just a means
to achieve the end, which in brief is social transformation.
The programmes in the Shakha are so structured that while
they develop a proper insight and make one aware of the deficiencies
and drawbacks in the society, it also instils a sense of pride
and intense love for its glorious cultural heritage and, simultaneously,
awakens his commitment to work for its emancipation.
Thus, through the instrumentality of the Shakha, men are moulded,
and they in turn enter varied social fields to ennoble them
with Hindu fervour. Just as the pure blood flows out of the
heart, to reach each and every body-cell, taking along with
it oxygen and nourishment, purging it of its dross, making
it function properly and then returning back to the heart
to get itself once more energised, the swayamsevaks also imbibe
proper samskars in the Shakha, and then propel themselves
into diverse social activities.
The aim of the Sangh is to organise the entire Hindu society,
and not just to have a Hindu organisation within the ambit
of this society. Had it been the latter, then the Sangh too
would have added one more number to the already existing thousands
of creeds. Though started as an institution, the aim of the
Sangh is to expand so extensively that each and every individual
and traditional social institutions like family, caste, profession,
educational and religious institutions etc., are all to be
ultimately engulfed into its system. The goal before the Sangh
is to have an organised Hindu society in which all its constituents
and institutions function in harmony and co-ordination, just
as in the body organs. While this is easily perceived at the
conceptual level, the institutional outer form of the Sangh
is also necessary for internalisation of this habit of organised
living, but without making it a creed.
The swayamsevak considers the Hindu society itself as 'Janata
Janardana'-god incarnate. Any service rendered to this society,
accepting nothing in return, is for him the worship of his
god, the 'Samajaroopee Parameshwar' (the god in the form of
the society). To him, who feels intensely for the good of
the society, it provides any number of opportunities of service.
The abject poverty, illiteracy, caste barriers, false sense
of high and low, untouchability, exploitation, lack of medical
facilities, etc., are, to name just a few, the social maladies
which call for immediate corrective steps. The prime concern
of the swayamsevaks all over the country is now for such service
activities. At the Shakha level, a strong orientation is now
given for this purpose.
It is but natural that in a self-oblivious society like ours
the innate oneness and the fraternal bonds are the First casualty.
As such, the poor, the illiterate and the weaker sections
in the society become an easy prey for exploitation and conversion
to other faiths. While the unsympathetic rich try to suck
the blood of the poor, the crafty intelligent exploit the
gullible. So, apart from rendering positive service, the swayamsevaks
consider it equally important to combat such injustices, on
behalf of the weaker sections. Militancy and intolerance become
good traits when they are put to use for helping the innocent
and the weak in the society. The Bharateeya Vanavasi Kalyan
Ashram, the Grahak Panchayat, the BMS, the BKS (Bharateeya
Kisan Sangh) etc., are all spearheading such movements for
social justice whenever the need arises.
In a society divided on caste, class and language lines, the
greatest service from a social worker to his community will
be to keep intact the very social fabric. The oneness of the
society being an article of faith with the swayamsevak, it
becomes all the more important for him to strive for social
consolidation, especially when the self-seeking politicians
try to drive a wedge between diverse groups for their own
selfish ends, and anti-social elements take advantage of such
sensitive situations. The unifying Hindu appeal generated
by Sangh has always acted as a powerful antidote to the disintegrating
pulls exercised by separatist elements, in many a trying situation
of conflicts born out of casteism, untouchability and sectarianism.
The Rashtriya Sikh Sangat, the Samajik Samarasata Manch of
Maharashtra, the 'Speak Samskrif movement of Karnataka, and
the like have been rendering yeoman service in this direction.
While founding the Sangh, Dr. Hedgewar - himself a freedom
fighter had before him the goal not only of independence,
but also of 'swatantrya' in its literal sense, i.e., the blossoming
of 'swatantra' - the national identity - in every walk of
our social life. As such, it has always been the supreme concern
of the swayamsevaks, to uphold and seek re-assertion of the
national honour wherever it is at stake.
The State of Jammu & Kashmir, with its oppressive Muslim-majority
character, has been a headache for our country ever since
Independence. The forces inimical to Bharat never wanted Kashmir
to integrate itself with Bharat, and in October 1947, immediately
after Independence, when Pakistan's forces invaded Kashmir,
these elements conspired with the enemy to defeat every move
to save the situation from our side. However, thanks to the
timely collaboration of the entire Sangh force then present
at Jammu with the Armed Forces of Bharat, Kashmir was saved.
Had it not been for the premature and insensible cease-fire
declared unilaterally by our own government, even while a
large chunk of our territory was still under the siege of
the enemy, our Armed Forces would then itself have driven
out the latter completely beyond the borders and there would
not have been this problem of 'Pakistan-occupied Kashmir'
(POK), which even now continues to be a scourge undermining
the sovereignty of Bharat.
The problem of Kashmir, in fact, is one of our own making,
since, keeping in mind its unique demographic character, unlike
other States, it has been conferred a special status under
Article 370 of the Constitution, even after its total accession
with Bharat. In 1952, Bharateeya Jan Sangh and Praja Parishat,
in those days the political front of the Sangh in Jammu &
Kashmir State, jointly agitated against this special status;
and the BJS had to pay a heavy price in the death of Dr. Shyama
Prasad Mukherjee, the founder-presi- dent of the party, in
Srinagar jail. He died under dubious circumstances, after
being incarcerated there for having led a batch of satyagrahis
defying the ban on his entry into the State. However, because
of this agitation, the game-plan of the conspirators with
Sheikh Abdullah as the kingpin, after being exposed, was thwarted
and Kashmir was once more saved, for the time being.
The endless appeasement of the Muslim population, especially
in Kashmir, practised by the successive governments at Delhi,
has been the bane of our government's Kashmir policy. Just
as too much mollycoddling and lack of discipline spoil the
child, so has been Kashmir, a problem created out of our own
folly. With about one-third of the State territory illegally
occupied by Pakistan, a hostile neighbour, the alienated area
has virtually become a haven for subversives. Knowing fully
well that an open war with Bharat may prove too costly and
also withchances of winning unpredictable, Pakistan is waging
a cold war, abetting the militants, supplying them with arms,
training them for armed revolt from within. The militants
are taking advantage of the government's weakness, being sure
that government dares not take ruthless action against them
because of their privileged 'minority' tag. They have resorted
to all types of inhuman measures to evacuate the minuscule
Hindu population from the Valley. They went to the extent
of o openly burning the national flag at Lal Chowk in Srinagar
on an Independence Day. It was the ABVP which first accepted
the challenge from the Kashmir militants, and took a massive
10,000 - strong contingent of students from all over the country
to Lal Chowk to hoist the tri-colour there. The attempt, however,
was foiled by the then government under V.P. Singh. Two years
later, the BJP picked up the cue and a historic 'Ekta Yatra'
(Unity March) from Kanyakumari to Srinagar, with Dr. Murii
Manohar Joshi the party president himself as the leader, was
organised. This 25,000 km-long Yatra successfully culminated
at Lal Chowk, exactly on the decided day, braving all the
challenges, political as well as others, and did hoist the
national tri-colour there, thus proclaiming to the enemy within
and without that a competent party had arrived to settle the
account.
Apart from the Kashmir issue, the Sangh has all along been
in the forefront in each and every national campaign, be it
'Ban Cow-slaughter' campaign of 1952 or the mass collection
drive for the Vivekananda Rock Memorial at Kanyakumari in
1963. The Ekatmata Rath Yatra of Ganga Jal and Bharatmata
in 1983 and the later issue of Ramajanmabhoomi temple, sponsored
by the Sangh Pariwar, have irrefutably established that the
Hindu society would respond like a 'Virat Purush' (one corporate
body), when the innate chord of Hindusthan is stimulated to
pulsate in every Hindu heart.
Thus the thrust of the Sangh and its methodology is not restricted
to its outward institutional form only, but is multi-dimensional,
extending beyond the boundaries of 'sanghasthan'. The aim
is to activise the dormant Hindu society, to make it come
out of its self-oblivion and realise its past mistakes, to
instil in it a firm determination to set them right, and finally
to make it bestir itself to reassert its honour and self-respect
so that no power on earth dares challenge it in the days to
come.
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